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Built Environment Final Analysis: Crack Cocaine and the Keys to Infrastructural Revival

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Crack Cocaine and the Keys to Infrastructural Revival

 

     Located in the northwestern quadrant of Washington, D.C., the downtown D.C. area has served as the political, social, and economic epicenter of our nation’s capital for numerous decades. Beginning with the construction of the White House in 1791, downtown D.C. has transformed from a political powerhouse to a cosmopolitan neighborhood overtime, developing into a mix of innovative restaurants, high-end shopping, historic museums, and government-run institutions. As D.C. has evolved over the years, the downtown area has witnessed significant changes first-hand, taking shape from the city’s dynamic past. Along with this past includes the violent crack epidemic of the 1980s, a time in D.C.’s history scarred by the rise of violent crimes, homicides, and addiction. Describing a time that was seen to, “usher in a wave of bloodletting in the nation’s capital and a death toll that ticked upward daily,” (LA Times), the crack epidemic in D.C. brought about considerable changes to the city’s infrastructure, urban-growth, and development, altering the capital’s history forever. As the crack epidemic deteriorated parts of D.C. in the 1990’s, downtown D.C. experienced considerable infrastructural changes and urban growth, making the unexpected survival of several pre-epidemic businesses all the more significant and reflective of D.C.’s dynamic past.

     Defined by the surge of crack cocaine use in almost all major U.S. cities throughout the 1980’s, the American crack epidemic resulted in numerous social, infrastructural, and developmental consequences, increasing the number of violent crimes and homicides across the nation. According to the U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency, “by the late 1970’s there was a huge glut of cocaine powder being shipped into the United States. This caused the price of the drug to drop by as much as 80%.” (DrugFreeWorld). With the origins of the national epidemic tied to the cocaine boom of the 1970’s, which lowered the costs of the drug, the use of crack cocaine was widespread within inner-city neighborhoods by the mid-1980’s. The surge of the use of the drug, occurring mostly between 1984 and 1990, thus became known as the American crack epidemic, increasing the number of Americans addicted to cocaine substantially. It’s reported that usage levels were so high that, “in 1985, the number of people who admitted using cocaine on a routine basis increased from 4.2 million to 5.8 million.” (DrugFreeWorld). Of these admitted users, most were of African-American or Latino backgrounds, impacting the lowest-earning neighborhoods in almost every major U.S. city.

     While crack infected every major U.S. metropolis by the 1980’s, the nation’s capitol was no exception, as violent turf wars and soaring homicide rates soon took over the city. As the, “homicide rate more than doubled in less than 15 months,” (LA Times), D.C. found itself at the center of an addiction crisis. Recalling the situation, Reuben Castaneda, a Washington Post crime reporter, described seeing, “bodies…dropping nightly in violence propelled by crack turf wars,” (LA Times). As the drug became more and more available, young drug dealers were seen to traffic crack cocaine throughout D.C., bringing crack-related activities into the political epicenter of our nation. Along with this increase in crack activity, the murder rate quickly climbed over 400 a year, branding D.C. as the murder capital of the nation. While the drug’s prevalence increased, parts of D.C. quickly deteriorated, as low-income neighborhoods, composed of mostly minorities, were the first to become rundown.

     Located in northeast D.C., Langdon, sometimes called Langdon Park, is a neighborhood that witnessed some of the worst effects of D.C.’s crack epidemic. It’s in Langdon Park where places like, “the Avenue…a nearby strip of road then home to an open-air drug market,” (Vice), existed. Drug hotspots like Langdon Park were seen to generate violent, crack-inspired turf wars, destroying this minority-dominated community. Crime within the neighborhood became increasingly rampant in the late-1990’s, as one encounter describes a time when, “police were dispatched to Langdon Park in the center of the neighborhood, where they found a grisly scene. On a grassy slope and under a canopy of trees lay three bodies, each of which had been shot multiple times, facedown and lined up side by side.” (Vice). While downtown D.C. was not immune from the epidemic-influenced surge of violence, neighborhoods like Langdon Park were seen to deteriorate overtime, as the long battle between crack and the city eventually took its tool on the infrastructure of this region. As the city gradually cracked down on the drug’s prevalence, “months passed without an arrest, then years, and eventually decades. At that time, the crack epidemic subsided, and a new, safer DC emerged. Langdon has since seen much of that era’s residual damage papered over with remodeled homes and new construction.” (Vice). It’s this time period, following the epidemic, that witnessed several inner-city demographic shifts, as the crack epidemic damaged certain regions of the city’s infrastructure beyond repair. Peter Tatian, a writer for the Los Angeles Times, described the shift as, “a virtuous cycle that began as people started to reinvest in cheap land and housing, encouraged by city authorities.” (LA Times). Similar to Langdon Park, entire regions of D.C. were demolished and rebuilt from the ground up, marking the end of the violent decade at the cost of some of the city’s iconic architecture. With the city’s revival, vacant buildings were torn down, parks were used to plant flowers and trees, and the average D.C. home’s rent skyrocketed, forcing those who hadn’t recovered from the city’s dark past to leave. While the post-crack era of D.C. was defined by an out with the old and in with the new aura, downtown D.C. was seen to evolve more than any other neighborhood in the city.

     Located in the northwestern quadrant of D.C., downtown D.C. has long been considered the political, social, and economic epicenter of the city. Historically, downtown D.C. was almost exclusively cooperate, composed of several office buildings, attracting an audience of primarily businessmen and politicians. As the region’s political and economic activities gradually increased, the region evolved, attracting both local and foreign investments to the area. Though the area was characterized by the strong presence of the private sector, downtown D.C. included a small, Italian restaurant named Casa Luca. Located only five minutes away from the White House, the small restaurant was one of very few businesses to live through the region’s crack epidemic and, later, transformation. Throughout the region’s post-crack evolution, Casa Luca remained a stronghold within the area, serving as a reminder of the old D.C. that was torn down in order to repair the damage crack cocaine inflicted upon D.C.’s infrastructure. While the region developed, a commercial strip known as Gallery Place slowly transformed into a major hub of bars, restaurants, theaters, and upscale retail shops. Additionally, affluent young professionals soon began flocking to the region, arriving for the convenience and buzz of living closer to the city centre. Following the creation of Gallery Place and the arrival of several thousand residents, business after business moved to the downtown area, claiming their own piece of D.C.’s new, renovated neighborhood.

     Following a time of considerable change for downtown D.C., Casa Luca’s surprising survival is reflective of the older D.C. that was seen to die out, following the end of the city’s crack cocaine epidemic. Situated on the ground-level of an 11-story building on New York Avenue, Casa Luca appears out of place. The dissimilarity between the restaurant and its surroundings are clear, as Casa Luca sits under a 4-level parking garage, rooftop deck, and fitness facility. Surrounded by stores like Tesla, organic restaurants like Sweet Greens, and up-scale hotels, Casa Luca appears older, as the restaurant has visually aged from the outside. Though not considered part of downtown’s massive renovation, Casa Luca’s survival is significant, as it has remained a stronghold, representing the pre-crack era of D.C. that many contribute to the city’s character. This aspect of Casa Luca connects the restaurant to D.C.’s dynamic past, as the restaurant’s doors have remained open throughout some of the city’s toughest times.

     While crack cocaine spelled havoc for our nation’s capital, throughout the 1980’s and 1990’s, D.C. has come a long way from the violent, crack-filled metropolis it once was. As the addictive substance ruined sections of D.C.’s infrastructure, the tearing down and revival of multiple neighborhoods across the city have almost completely covered up the signs of the violent epidemic. Looking back in time, BBC writer, Aidan Lewis, describes the new D.C. as, “booming.” (BBC). Recalling the progress that has been made, Lewis observes, “14th Street, cocktail bars and cosmopolitan restaurants jostle for space. Around the junction of 9th and U, cranes work round the clock, and at 7th and O, the O Street Market that was the scene of a brazen early-evening shooting in 1994 now houses a swish grocery, backed by an apartment block with an infinity pool and a dog-walking park on the roof.” (BBC). This quote shows just how far our nation’s capital has come, evolving through the decades, as crack, the addictive substance that once sank the city into darkness, is almost seen as the very key that unlocked this infrastructural potential. As crime rates decreased, following the dark times of crack’s rule, the city was seen to revive itself, rebuilding the damaged infrastructure that served as a visible scar, pointing to the epidemic. While the wave of violence and crime that came with D.C.’s crack epidemic attempted to overthrow the city and everything D.C. stands for, the capital’s true colors, eventually, shown through, creating a dynamic environment with a detailed past. Casa Luca’s survival, throughout both the crack epidemic and downtown’s revival, has served as a valuable reminder of just how far the nation’s capital has come. As the once dormant downtown has experienced re-innovation, Casa Luca has remained a downtown staple, factoring into its perception as reflective of D.C.’s dynamic past. Since the buzz surrounding downtown’s renewal, important figureheads, like Donald J. Trump, have come into the picture, as the new Trump Hotel is set to compete against several, existing luxury properties in the downtown area, including The Four Seasons, St. Regis, The Mandarin Oriental, and The Ritz-Carlton. This aspect of downtown shows the region is continuing to evolve, as more and more businesses are moving towards the capital’s direction, influencing the downtown region that was once characterized by widespread addiction. While the future of downtown D.C. is largely unknown, the city’s dark past serves as a reminder, topic of motivation, and reason to continue to applaud the long distance D.C. has travelled since the 1980’s, propelling D.C. forward. Through my research of D.C. and the America’s crack epidemic, I’ve found D.C. to resemble the locomotive, forging ahead and continuing to persevere, especially in times of despair, a quality I believe is central to D.C. While the crack epidemic deteriorated parts of D.C. in the 1990’s, downtown D.C. experienced considerable infrastructural changes and urban growth, making the unexpected survival of several pre-crack businesses all the more significant and reflective of D.C.’s dynamic past.raid_wide-375d2ae8524c4e63fdd1822695bb1f1f96cb4b30-s900-c85ct-trump-hotel-washington-dc-20160919-001

Built Environment: Casa Luca Interior

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Casa Luca Interior

     Casa Luca, located only a couple blocks away from the White House, is situated on the ground level of an 11-story building on New York Avenue. Completed in 2008, the building, featuring, “a unique architectural profile made entirely of individual, shingle-like, overlapping glass panes” (Tishman Speyer), is a distinctive addition to the busy east-end submarket. Located in a prime location, the building incorporates various views of D.C.’s skyline, enabling good sightings of the Washington Monument, Old Post Office, and the U.S. Capitol building. Equipped with an efficient 4-level parking garage, rooftop deck, and fitness facility, the property has a lot to offer, attracting many tourists, politicians, and businessmen from around the D.C. area.

When arriving at my location, I was first surprised by the presence of the seemingly small Italian restaurant, picking up on the contrast between Casa Luca and the spacious gallery-like complex in the background. This dissimilarity caught my eye, as most areas of the complex are characterized by high ceilings and capacious waiting areas, differing from the small and cozy atmosphere I found within the restaurant. Venturing further into Casa Luca, I found a relaxed ambience, picking up on the red furnishings, white floors, and vintage Italian prints. Circular lighting details and an illuminated bar set the background in the smaller space, outlined with chic dining booths, adding an additional sense of intimacy to the atmosphere. While I found the inside of Casa Luca quite impressive, additional seating was incorporated just outside the restaurant, drawing the interior’s flare out into the open streets of D.C. This aspect of Casa Luca impressed me, as I found significance in the way the restuarant’s concept was carried outdoors, adding to the contrast between the small restaurant and the rest of the complex.

While the small Italian restaurant can seem overshadowed by the larger complex in which it is incorporated in, Casa Luca’s relaxed, Italian flare and indoor-outdoor concept work to compose a charming restaurant in the busy east-end submarket in D.C. Equipped with stunning views of D.C., the restaurant’s interior works to promote their idea of a cozy atmosphere, offering an environment suitable for tourists, politicians, and businessmen alike.

Works Cited

 

“1099 New York Avenue | Commercial Real Estate D.C. | Tishman Speyer.” 1099 New York Avenue | Commercial Real Estate D.C. | Tishman Speyer, www.tishmanspeyer.com/properties/1099-new-york-avenue-nw.

Analysis of Kathleen G. Scholl and Gowri Betrabet Gulwadi’s “Recognizing Campus Landscapes as Learning Spaces”

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Analysis of Kathleen G. Scholl and Gowri Betrabet Gulwadi’s “Recognizing Campus Landscapes as Learning Spaces”

     In their essay, “Recognizing Campus Landscapes as Learning Spaces,” Kathleen G. Scholl and Gowri Betrabet Gulwadi identify a unique, twenty-first century challenge many college campuses face around the U.S. Highlighting the gradual decline of natural, green spaces on college campuses, Scholl and Gulwadi introduce the idea that open, green spaces are reflective of the quality of academic life on campus, emphasizing their value as beneficial tools for students. The authors argue that college campuses should reflect the holistic nature of learning, claiming that the green spaces and natural landscape of a college campus are educational resources that can assist in restoring cognitive attention for students.
While college campuses frequently boast about state-of-the-art facilities and indoor technologies students can take advantage of, Scholl and Gulwadi note that designated, indoor learning environments are many times banal and lack the holistic qualities found within nature. As “one fifth of a student’s time is spent in the classroom, contributing about one quarter of the total learning variance” (Scholl & Gulwadi), Scholl and Gulwadi propose that an increased diversity of learning spaces can assist stressed and anxious students who are constantly strained by copious amounts of work. Counting their argument, Scholl and Gulwadi claim that indoor classrooms are designed to be perceived as dull in order to keep students focused, recognizing the limits a traditional, indoor classroom environment can create for students. This aspect of their argument works to support their claim that green spaces offer a unique change of environment for students, noting how the natural landscape of college campuses, “can help enable and enhance a sense of being away and thereby lead to attention restoration” (Scholl & Gulwadi). This quote adds significance to their argument, as it highlights the fact that learning is a dynamic process, requiring a holistic approach to create learning environments that keep students engaged and focused. Understanding college campuses through this type of viewpoint helps readers regard college campuses as attentional resources, adding to Scholl and Gulwadi’s message of non-traditional, green spaces as valuable, educational resources that can work to restore cognitive attention for students.
Traditional, indoor learning environments work to enable productive learning experiences, though many times causing an imbalance for students, as Scholl and Gulwadi highlight the importance of non-structured, green spaces on college campuses. The cognitive benefits embedded in the mix of both structured and non-structured learning environments provide a healthy environment for students, fostering an environment where different types of students, who learn in different kinds of ways, can thrive. Though outdoor learning is not appropriate for all types of academic domains, the natural landscape and green spaces of a college campus serve as educational resources that can assist in restoring cognitive attention for students.

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The traditional, indoor classroom

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The unstructured, outdoor space

Works Cited

Weissman, By Cyd. “Category: KDBB.” Innovating Congregations RSS. N.p., n.d. Web. 31 Oct. 2016.
Kratsas, By Gabrielle. “20 Great Value Colleges with Safe Spaces.” Great Value Colleges. N.p., n.d. Web. 31 Oct. 2016.

Analysis of David Fleming’s “City of Rhetoric” Chapter Three

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Analysis of David Fleming’s City of Rhetoric Chapter Three

     Evaluating the different ways a smaller republic functions, compared to a large nation-state, David Fleming discusses the benefits of a smaller democracy in Chapter three of City of Rhetoric, emphasizing the effects this type of downgrade would have on discussions of public discourse and the way it would benefit citizens altogether. Fleming begins chapter three introducing readers to the concept of a smaller republic, and the hidden benefits it involves, highlighting the idea of place itself. Through this highlighting, Fleming suggests that space, or a citizen’s surroundings, plays a significant role in the way individuals involve themselves politically. Fleming demonstrates the effects of a surrounding on an individual, stating that the, “size, shape, density, diversity, and power” (pg. 37) of a surrounding are all worth underlining when evaluating the role of an individual in a community. By dissecting the role of a citizen’s surrounding and the way it influences political participation, Fleming sets the tone for the chapter, highlighting the effectiveness of a smaller republic and the benefits that follow.

Focusing on the ways smaller communities operate, Fleming evaluates just how much a community’s qualities benefit the ways citizens involve themselves politically. Through his explanation of this concept, Fleming argues, “smaller publics, on the other hand, like neighborhoods or villages, often do a better job of encouraging and rewarding direct involvement by ordinary individuals in communal self-determination” (pg. 38). This quote calls attention to the point Fleming is trying to convey, arguing that the smaller community size enables a more active participation by those who call it home. Fleming’s simplification of the scope of an individual’s surroundings, and the way it amplifies an individual’s voice, all factor into his explanation of smaller communities as more beneficial forums for individuals to actively participate in. He compares this effectiveness to the contemporary nation-state model that presides today, stating large nation-states, “can seem remote from the point of view of the individual citizen, who is usually little more than a spectator of it” (pg. 38). As fleming contrasts the two types of states, he places emphasis on the way individuals feel more like like bystanders, opposed to active participants, in large nation-states. While the smaller community size can encourage individuals to actively participate, in a political sense, it can also change discussions involving public discourse.

Focusing on the ways community size impacts discussion of social and political topics, Fleming continues his dissection of the large nation-state, arguing that smaller communities empower individuals and enable progressive public discussions. Fleming describes the role of the individual in the nation-state as, “almost entirely, therefore, spectatorial” (pg. 41). Through this quote, Fleming highlights the difficulties individuals face, when attempting to influence public discourse, as the nation-state is simply too large to discern every voice. He then points to the smaller republic, stating that individuals have a better chance at influencing public discourse in that type of surrounding. This concept is significant, as it exemplifies the ways a smaller environment connects citizens to discussions of public discourse more effectively, making them feel as though they have a valued opinion. While the large nation-state presides in this day and age, Fleming’s emphasis placed on the smaller environment works to exemplify the effectiveness that a smaller republic involves.

Throughout chapter three, Fleming attempts to dissect the relationship between the average individual and the large nation-state. By emphasizing the differing roles that individuals fulfill within the two different types of communities, Fleming sets up a contrast for readers, exemplifying the impacts a surrounding can have on it’s citizens. In closing, Fleming’s evaluation of the way a smaller republic functions, compared to a large nation-state, point to the clear benefits attributed to a smaller democracy, emphasizing how that  type of environment would enable a more active participation by the individuals that call it home.

Analysis of David Fleming’s “City of Rhetoric” Introduction

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Analysis of David Fleming’s City of Rhetoric Introduction

     Combining a detailed history of Chicago’s troubled northwest corner and the several, major demographic shifts the area faced, David Fleming evaluates the relationship between Chicago’s low-income, African-American community and the spatial imbalance the community encountered throughout the 20th century in his book City of Rhetoric. Focusing on the Cabrini Green Homes, a housing project funded by the city in 1941, Fleming paints the picture of a struggling community living under the poverty line, displaying the Cabrini Green Homes as the epicenter of penury and evolving demographics in Chicago’s rough, northwestern corner. As the area surrounding the Cabrini Green Homes became increasingly vitiated by extreme poverty and crime that encompassed the neighborhood in the mid-20th century, the city stepped in, attracting ideas of gentrification and revival for this piece of Chicago. Following the introduction of this idea of revival, Fleming details the three very different proposals that faced the community in the late-20th century. As Fleming works to help readers visualize this troubled corner of Chicago, he places emphasis on the demographic shifts that detailed the evolving, racial composition of the neighborhood and the three visions that factored into this new idea of gentrification for this area of Chicago.

Beginning in the mid-19th century, large numbers of Italians began populating the areas surrounding the Cabrini Green Homes. Following the Italians, the second great migration, detailing the northern migration of african-american communities in the south, took effect, as the area became increasingly crowded with lower-income minorities. By the 1960’s the neighborhood was predominantly african-american, as Fleming explained how the change created racially-focused tensions while adding a sense of cultural vibrancy to the region. This change seemed key, in Fleming’s eyes, as racial tensions paired with the sense of cultural vibrancy was seen to characterize the neighborhood for the coming decades. In addition to this idea, Fleming places emphasized idea that the several demographic shifts worked to shape the complications the region faced, such as the issue of spatial imbalance, connecting the future of area to the changes of racial composition within the community. Fleming continued to detail the ways the change of demographics impacted the region, citing the 80’s as a time of violence and economic disparity, prompting the city to take action and revive the struggling community located in Chicago’s troubled northwest corner.

As violence, extreme poverty, and high unemployment began to impact the area surrounding the Cabrini Green Homes, the city of Chicago was seen to step in and take an interest in improving the region. While affordable housing shortages and assistance cuts took effect, three proposals, presented in 2000, focused on the revival of the neighborhood. One proposal included disseminating the predominantly african-american community into the six county metropolitan area, attempting to prevent the isolation and concentration of one race in urban ghettos. The second proposal included reviving the inner-city itself, inviting higher-income earners to the area in order to create a mixed-income community. The third and final proposal included focusing on the existing community, attempting to empower the mostly female-headed families already living within the Cabrini Green Homes. Fleming details just how diverse the three proposals are, citing demographic and economic differences as the main characteristics that differentiate the proposals. This detailing is significant, as it deals with the very future of those living under the poverty line within this troubled corner of northwest Chicago. Fleming then connects the troubled past and uncertain future of the neighborhood to the world in which we live in, suggesting that the rebuilding process, present in the neighborhood during the start of the 21st century, is one that we could apply to our own world. Adding a sense of unity and hope for the future, Fleming visualizes the reconstruction process for readers, connecting the situation to the outside world.

Throughout the Introduction in David Fleming’s City of Rhetoric, Fleming is seen to effectively detail the history of the troubled northwest corner of Chicago while successfully displaying the relationship between Chicago’s low-income, African-American community and the spatial imbalance that occurred. By placing emphasis on the demographic shifts and the three visions that factored into this new idea of gentrification, Fleming worked to help readers visualize the situation more precisely, connecting readers to the hardships that faced the area surrounding the Cabrini Green Homes.

Works Cited

The End of Cabrini Green. Digital image. Content.Time. Time, n.d. Web. 20 Sept. 2016.

Built Environment: Casa Luca Exterior

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Exterior Description: Little Italian Restaurant

          Casa Luca is a small Italian restaurant located on the corner of 11th Street and I Street in the North-Western quadrant of Washington, D.C.. The local gathering point is situated right down the street from Franklin Square and is a short walk from the White House’s north lawn. Surviving several years of development, the surrounding area has seen substantial change over the years, as local mom-and-pop businesses have transitioned into shopping for D.C.’s upper-class, banks, and swanky enterprises marketed towards downtown’s young working population. While the surrounding area has seen development over the years, the small Italian restaurant has endured, out-surviving many of the businesses that had once composed the nearby area.

When first approaching Casa Lucca, one might notice the bustling streets, as New York Avenue sits directly in front of the restaurant. Located in a frequented area of Downtown, the restaurant is one of several businesses that many pass everyday without realization. Historically, the region was almost exclusively corporate, with the exception of several D.C. attractions like Ford’s Theatre and the International Spy Museum. Composed of office-appearing buildings of varying styles, the region has seen significant development over time, as older office buildings have transformed into hotels like the Embassy Suites and The Kimpton Palomar Hotel. The block in which Casa Lucca is located on, once composed of offices for several D.C.-based corporations, is now made up of an interior design boutique, Momofuku Milk Bar, and a Tesla dealership. This diverse selection of businesses points to the area’s transformation over time, as the region has experienced significant development over the years. This development is equally evident when reviewing the demographics of the area, as the region is frequented by college students, politicians, visiting tourists, and working locals. While visiting the region, I noticed the fast-pace aura of the neighborhood, taking in the different sounds and faces of New York Avenue. Though undergoing change, the restaurant has stayed true to its original identity, continuing to serve the people of the city through the years.

While the area surrounding the little Italian restaurant on the corner of 11th Street and I Street has experienced significant development over the years, Casa Lucca has survived, adding a sense of vibrancy to this diverse section of the Capital. Though the neighborhood has undergone serious changes, Casa Lucca remains to serve the Downtown area of D.C., influencing the surrounding area for the better. In conclusion, the small restaurant that had once served as a meeting location for Jeff and Lou, in Ruben Castaneda’s S Street Rising, lives on to this day, serving the capital daily.

 

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