RESEARCH DESIGN SKETCH

MENTOR MEETING II

On Wednesday, December 5, 2018 I met with Dr. Susan Shepler for about twenty minutes. I explained my present struggle with deciding whether to embark on an official discourse analysis, as I originally planned, or to follow the nagging thoughts I have been experiencing, telling me to develop a popular discourse research project. Dr. Shepler explained how she, as an ethnographer, decides what puzzles to chase. Ethnographers, she said, become anthropologists of one particular place. She began studying Sierra Leone as a Peace Corps volunteer and has returned several times to solve more puzzles and further understand her place of interest. Though I have not chosen to perform an ethnography, Dr. Shepler advised me to follow whatever direction passion pull me- whether that be the reproduced meanings found in popular or official discourse.

On a more concrete note, Dr. Shepler advised me to read books on feminist methodology to guide my methodology before and during my research project in SISU-306. In particular she suggested three books: Doing Feminist Research In Political and Social Science, Feminist Methodologies for Critical Researchers, and Feminist Methodologies for International Relations.[1] Prior to the meeting I had read quite a few pieces of feminist research, many of which helped me form my “buckets” for my literature review. However I had not seen feminist research as a form my own project could take. Though I knew intimate partner violence to be a feminist issue, I believed my project to be moreso a legal or social analysis rather than a feminist one (although feminism is a branch of social theory). While I initially found my identity as a researcher and as a feminist to be separate entities, this discovery has lead me to further understand the notion of reflexivity which will allow me to better develop my paper. Originally I had examined my Italian identity as the foremost important element to my reflexivity, as I am one with the Italian history, language, and culture and I am examining. However my feminist identity is yet another element that in fact is just as significant as it not only provides me a certain lens with which I understand phenomenon, but through my research it will connect me to past and future feminist scholars, thinkers, and activists.

NOTES

[1] Ackerly, Brooke, and Jacqui True. Doing Feminist Research in Political and Social Science. 2010 edition. Basingstoke, New York: Palgrave, 2010; Sprague, Joey. Feminist Methodologies for Critical Researchers: Bridging Differences, Second Edition. Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, 2005; Ackerly, Brooke, Maria Stern, and Jacqui True. Feminist Methodologies for International Relations. Cambridge University Press, 2006.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Ackerly, Brooke, and Jacqui True. Doing Feminist Research in Political and Social Science. 2010 edition. Basingstoke, New York: Palgrave, 2010.

Ackerly, Brooke, Maria Stern, and Jacqui True. Feminist Methodologies for International Relations. Cambridge University Press, 2006.

Sprague, Joey. Feminist Methodologies for Critical Researchers: Bridging Differences, Second Edition. Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, 2005.

QUALITATIVE DATA // INTERPRETIVIST RESEARCH

Through an interpretivist approach to my project, I propose to analyze the official discourse surrounding intimate partner violence (IPV) in Italy to explain the change in discourse which I pinpoint as first occurring in 1976 and again in 2011 in order to help my reader understand why IPV persists despite the enduring and active conversation aimed at ending this phenomenon.

What first marked a change in discourse was Italy’s participation at the 1976 International Tribunal on Crimes against Women.[1] From the proceedings I will analyze how the conversation regarding IPV began. Since this event, Italian IPV discourse has expanded to include “femicide,” as the term was first introduced at the Tribunal.[2]

The second key event that marked a change in the Italian IPV discourse occurred later in 2011 at the Istanbul Convention when Italy ratified Treaty 210: the Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence.[3] Through the Convention, Italy ratified legislation that prohibits IPV, thus furthering the discourse to criminalize IPV.[4] Since 2011, the IPV discourse in Italy has also changed through the use of media, the reporting of IPV cases, and public statements by governmental leaders. An example of the change in discourse occurred in 2014 when Laura Boldrini, former President of the Chamber of Deputies of Italy, called a meeting to the parliament floor to discuss the emergent case of IPV in Italy.[5]

I therefore propose to analyze the official discourse while examining its relation to media discourse. In recent years the media has constructed IPV through a cultural lens, attributing such violence to Italy’s rigid patriarchal culture.[6][7] Moreover, IPV is usually discussed in terms of passion and honor, which has long constructed the perception of the crime as a justifiable one.[8] Today, crimes of IPV and intimate partner femicide are reported through Italian media outlets that represent women as victims and men as passionate and angry lovers.[9]

I choose to analyze the discourse surrounding IPV based on the time frame that begins in 1976, changes in 2011, and continues today. The discourse will include the role of men and the role of women within IPV, and the importance and prevalence of IPV itself.

I plan to use the primary sources of the International Tribunal on Crimes against Women and the Istanbul Convention as signals that established changes within the Italian discourse regarding IPV. To examine the discourse I will use print and visual media (the Maltese and Cilento newspaper articles and the Boldrini statement as previously cited) that has been published in Italy throughout the 42-year period I propose to analyze. [10]

NOTES

[1] International Tribunal on Crimes against Women. [Reports from the] International Tribunal on Crimes against Women [Held at] Brussels. 4-8 March 1976. s.l. s.n., 1976: 123

[2] Ibid., 92.

[3] Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence, Istanbul, 11.V.2011., Treaty Series- No.210., 2011. https://www.coe.int/fr/web/conventions/full-list.

[4]Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence. “Chart of Signatures and Ratifications of Treaty 210.” Treaty Office of the Council of Europe. October 11, 2018. https://www.coe.int/en/web/conventions/full-list.

[5] Boldrini, Laura. “Violenza Donne, Boldrini: ‘Sfregio Alla Società, Uomini Non Restino a Guardare.'” Repubblica. November 25, 2015. https://www.repubblica.it/politica/2017/11/25/news/giornata_violenza_donne-182089957/.

[6] Cilento, Francesca. “Le cause culturali del femminicidio.” Accessed November 10, 2018. http://www.crescita-personale.it/violenza-psicologica/2895/cause-culturali-femminicidio/4093/a.

[7] Maltese, Antonin, and Noemi Marino. “Il Femminicidio nel mondo.” Sipario. Last modified Dicembre 2016. Accessed November 10, 2018. http://www.sipario.it/siparioscuolasociale/item/10308-il-femminicidio-nel-mondo.html.

[8] Bandelli, Daniela, and Giorgio Porcelli. “‘Femminicidio’ in Italy:  A Critique of Feminist Gender Discourse and Constructivist Reading of the Human Identity.” Current Sociology Vol. 64, no. 7 (2016): 1078.

[9] Ibid., 1072.

[10] An important element to note is that as an Italian there are no language or cultural barriers in my research; as the researcher, I am part of the world I am studying.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Boldrini, Laura. “Violenza Donne, Boldrini: ‘Sfregio Alla Società, Uomini Non Restino a Guardare.'” Repubblica. November 25, 2015. https://www.repubblica.it/politica/2017/11/25/news/giornata_violenza_donne-182089957/.

Cilento, Francesca. “Le cause culturali del femminicidio.” Accessed November 10, 2018. http://www.crescita-personale.it/violenza-psicologica/2895/cause-culturali-femminicidio/4093/a.

Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence. “Chart of Signatures and Ratifications of Treaty 210.” Treaty Office of the Council of Europe. October 11, 2018. https://www.coe.int/en/web/conventions/full-list.

Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence, Istanbul, 11.V.2011., Treaty Series- No.210., 2011. https://www.coe.int/fr/web/conventions/full-list.

International Tribunal on Crimes against Women. [Reports from the] International Tribunal on Crimes against Women [Held at] Brussels. 4-8 March 1976. s.l. s.n., 1976.

Maltese, Antonin, and Noemi Marino. “Il Femminicidio nel mondo.” Sipario. Last modified Dicembre 2016. Accessed November 10, 2018. http://www.sipario.it/siparioscuolasociale/item/10308-il-femminicidio-nel-mondo.html.

QUALITATIVE DATA // SMALL-N RESEARCH

A small-n approach to my project would likely take the form of a typology where my dependent variable would measure victims of intimate partner femicide (IPF) on a high/low (or moderate) basis. Through a typological method I would take independent variables and match them to cases and outcomes in order to understand patterns of causes which produce IPF. Typology would allow me to include multiple variables to understand the various causes involved in high, low, and moderate variations of femicide rates. To measure countries’ rates of IPF I would use the Global Burden of Armed Violence (GBAV) 2011 Survey in conjunction with the Brazilian report of femicide worldwide, Mapa Da Violência 2015: Homicídio De Mulheres. [1] [2] While the Mapa Da Violência report measures 83 countries and GBAV measures 54, I would choose cases that fit requirements of the IVs I select. Although I use similar databases for small-n as I did for large-n research, herein lies the differentiation between the large-n and small-n applications of my project: the large-n approach operationalizes my dependent variable (DV) as femicide per capita compared to the small-n application of my research where the DV is operationalized based on a qualitative high/low variation.

A possible case for my typology research design would be the country of Ecuador. A case study was conducted by Boira et all using seven focus groups and eight in-depth interviews with native Ecuadorians. [3] The scholars point to independent variables I aim to use myself: patriarchal culture, religious values, and the influence of indigenous culture. [4]

Another possible case would be South Africa. A specific qualitative data source is the study, “Intimate Partner Femicide in South Africa in 1999 and 2009.”[5] The study conducted a national survey to identify IPF committed in 2009 and contrasted that data with femicides committed in 1999. [6] The study found that IPF rates were not significantly different and the authors contribute these findings to the effects of legislation, in particular the 2000 passing of the Firearms Control Act. [7] The extent to which laws are implemented is another angle I propose to examine as causal factors of femicide through a typology research design.

NOTES

[1] Global Burden of Armed Violence. “When the Victim Is a Woman.” Geneva Declaration. Chapter 4, pp. 129. 2011.

[2] Waiselfisz, Julio Jacobo. “MAPA DA VIOLÊNCIA 2015.” FLACSO Brasil (2015): 28.

[3] Boira, Santiago & Tomas-aragones, Lucia & Rivera, Nury. Intimate Partner Violence and Femicide in Ecuador. Qualitative Sociology Review. no.8: 33. (2017).

[4] Ibid 34.

[5] Abrahams, Naeemah, Shanaaz Mathews, Lorna J. Martin, Carl Lombard, and Rachel Jewkes. “Intimate Partner Femicide in South Africa in 1999 and 2009.” Edited by Edward J. Mills. PLoS Medicine 10, no. 4 (April 2, 2013).

[6] Ibid.

[7] Ibid.

[8] Seedat, M., A. Van Niekerk, R. Jewkes, S. Suffla, and K. Ratele. “Violence and Injuries in South Africa: Prioritising an Agenda for Prevention.” The Lancet 374, no. 9694. pp. 1011. (2009).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Abrahams, Naeemah, Shanaaz Mathews, Lorna J. Martin, Carl Lombard, and Rachel Jewkes. “Intimate Partner Femicide in South Africa in 1999 and 2009.” Edited by Edward J. Mills. PLoS Medicine 10, no. 4 (April 2, 2013).

Boira, Santiago & Tomas-aragones, Lucia & Rivera, Nury. Intimate Partner Violence and Femicide in Ecuador. Qualitative Sociology Review. no.8. (2017).

Global Burden of Armed Violence. “When the Victim Is a Woman.” Geneva Declaration. Chapter 4. 2011.

Seedat, M., A. Van Niekerk, R. Jewkes, S. Suffla, and K. Ratele. “Violence and Injuries in South Africa: Prioritising an Agenda for Prevention.” The Lancet 374, no. 9694. (2009).

Waiselfisz, Julio Jacobo. “MAPA DA VIOLÊNCIA 2015.” FLACSO Brasil (2015).

QUANTITATIVE DATA SOURCES

Through a large-n application of my research project, I seek to explain variation in intimate partner femicide in Latin American and European states with the highest femicide rates. This allows me to examine 33 countries: 14 in Latin America and 19 in Europe. My dependent variable is the number of intimate partner femicides in each state per 100,000 women.

Femicide data is limited by the various time frames in which data has been collected. Few datasets measure femicide from 2004-2009 while others report femicide by individual years. Furthermore, limitations to data collection include a universal understanding of a lack of collected data. [1] Reasons for this insufficiency are enumerated as follows:

  1. many femicides go unreported
  2. when reported, femicides are often measured indiscriminately in regards to general homicide
  3. many states do not invest in collecting femicide data

Despite a general lack of data, a variety of platforms have measured the highest rates of femicide by region. States with the highest femicide rates from 2004-2009 are comprehensively quantified by the Small Arms Survey. [2]  This data collection measures the number of women killed by an intimate partner of the 25 states with the overall highest rates of femicide worldwide. [3] Of these 25 states, 14 are from Latin America, according to data from the Geneva Declaration. [4] The Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean measures intimate partner femicide from every state within the region between 2001 and 2017. [5] To measure femicide statistics in Europe, the Osservatorio Balcani e Caucaso lists victims of femicide from Europe’s 19 states with the highest femicide rates. [6]

All datasets demonstrate states’ overall femicide rates in comparison to the rate of femicide due to intimate partner violence. Datasets also all measure the ratio in terms of  a female population of 100,000.

NOTES

[1] “Femicide” Understanding and Addressing Violence against Women. World Health Organization. 2012. http://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/handle/10665/77421/WHO_RHR_12.38_eng.pdf;jsessionid=94F058F451AB565AD8E881E78BE0CB87?sequence=1.

[2] Femicide:  A Global Problem. Armed Violence. Small Arms Survey. February 2012. http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/H-Research_Notes/SAS-Research-Note-14.pdf.

[3] “When the Victim Is a Woman.” Geneva Declaration. Global Burden of Armed Violence. Chapter 4, pp. 129. 2011. http://www.genevadeclaration.org/fileadmin/docs/GBAV2/GBAV2011_CH4.pdf

[4] Ibid. 119.

[5] “CEPALSTAT Indicador 1345.” Accessed October 8, 2018. http://interwp.cepal.org/sisgen/ConsultaIntegrada.asp?idIndicador=1345&idioma=e.

[6] Caucaso, Osservatorio Balcani e. “Femicide: the numbers in Europe.” Osservatorio Balcani e Caucaso. November 28, 2017. https://www.balcanicaucaso.org/eng/Areas/Europe/Femicide-the-numbers-in-Europe-184329.

[7] Ibid.

[8] Ibid.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Caucaso, Osservatorio Balcani e. “Femicide: the numbers in Europe.” Osservatorio Balcani e Caucaso. November 28, 2017. https://www.balcanicaucaso.org/eng/Areas/Europe/Femicide-the-numbers-in-Europe-184329.

“CEPALSTAT Indicador 1345.” Accessed October 8, 2018. http://interwp.cepal.org/sisgen/ConsultaIntegrada.asp?idIndicador=1345&idioma=e.

Femicide: A Global Problem. Armed Violence. Small Arms Survey. February 2012. http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/H-Research_Notes/SAS-Research-Note-14.pdf.

“Femicide” Understanding and Addressing Violence against Women. World Health Organization. 2012. http://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/handle/10665/77421/WHO_RHR_12.38_eng.pdf;jsessionid=94F058F451AB565AD8E881E78BE0CB87?sequence=1.

“When the Victim Is a Woman.” Geneva Declaration. Global Burden of Armed Violence. Chapter 4, pp. 129. 2011. http://www.genevadeclaration.org/fileadmin/docs/GBAV2/GBAV2011_CH4.pdf

RESEARCH TOPIC

I propose to research variation in femicide because I want to explain why women are murdered by inter-partner violence at disparate rates to help my readers understand how to combat international femicide.

Something to note when researching femicide is the lack of sufficient or accurate data. Adriana Quiñones, UN Women’s Country Representative in Guatemala, says “we don’t have comparable data on femicide at a global level… Much of the data that is collected on homicides is not disaggregated by sex. ” [1] Despite this fact, a list has been compiled that details the 25 states most affected by femicide. [2] Fourteen of the 25 states with the highest rates of femicide are found in Latin America. [3] The conversation surrounding femicide in Latin America has developed due to local feminist activists, primarily mothers of victims, who play a visible role in holding the state accountable for continued violations against women and girls. [4]

Though not nearly as high on the list of 25 states with the highest rates of femicide, European states have also called attention to femicide. In Italy, media outlets pointed to femicide as a nationwide epidemic. [5] However scholars found that femicide rates had not increased, even though the public was taking notice of the issue. [6] In Italy, one femicide is committed every two days. This equates to 124 women killed on a yearly basis as a result of inter-partner violence. [7] In El Salvador, 647 femicides were counted in 2011 alone. [8] Thus El Salvador holds the record for highest rate of femicide worldwide, a staggering increase from the already comparatively high rate of 200 femicides per year recorded in 2000. [9]

Herein lays my puzzle: states within different regions are home to similar discourse yet maintain varying rates of femicide. To what can this variation in femicide be attributed?

There is significant disagreement among scholars that seek to explain femicide. Most scholars point to one of three theories: the cultural, economic, or political aspects of the state. The broadest idea assesses culture, which also comprises religious traditions. [10] A common explanation points to cultural norms and practices as being among the most accepted of such theories. Alison Brysk explained that “international abuse of women grows from preexisting domestic practices of commodification of female reproductive labor… and patriarchal control of women’s movement, education, and employment- enforced by gendered violence.” [11] Thus, the cultural norm of hegemonic masculinity is thought to engender a patriarchal society which assigns women to an inferior, killable status thus making them susceptible to inter-partner femicide.

Other scholars dismiss this idea due to the fact that it fails to view femicide as a dynamic issue. Scholars Maya Mikdashi and Lila Abu Lughood argue that gender-based violence is not merely caused by the broadly encompassing term “culture,” but by a woman’s political status. [12] Such scholars identify gender-violence as “dense and multifaceted. It is economic, political, military, and sexual.” [13] This argument critiques the automatic assignment of “culture” as the universal culprit of women’s issues. [14] Scholars also claim that gender-violence can be attributed to the failure of recognizing women as political actors but rather as victims of the stronger, masculine sex. [15]

Lastly, scholars attempt to explain femicide through an economic lens and often rely on data collected by the UN or the WHO. The UN reported that “low social and economic status of women can be both a cause and a consequence of this violence.” [16] Economic risks of perpetrating femicide include unemployment and high school versus university education. [17] Economic equality in terms of gender and social spending on areas such as health and education are argued to be factors that lessen a woman’s risk of femicide. [18]

The puzzle I wish to research is significant because, as aforementioned, on an international level experts do not hold accurate data on femicide. By understanding why femicides occur at varying rates, my research would bring more knowledge to an ongoing question.

Generally, I want to explain variation in femicide.

Specifically, I want to understand why femicide rates differ significantly despite the fact such states maintain similar discourse surrounding the issue.

NOTES

[1] “Take Five: Fighting Femicide in Latin America.” UN Women. February 2017.

[2] “When the Victim Is a Woman.” Geneva Declaration. Global Burden of Armed Violence. Chapter 4, pp. 119. 2011.

[3] Ibid.

[4] Driver, A. “‘We Want to Stay Alive’: Ending Feminicide in Juárez, Mexico.” World Policy Journal 33, no. 4 (2016): 45.

[5] Bandelli, Daniela, and Porcelli, Giorgio. “‘Femminicidio’ in Italy:  A Critique of Feminist Gender Discourse and Constructivist Reading of the Human Identity.” Current Sociology. Vol. 64, no. 7: 1071–1073. 2016.

[6] Ibid.

[7] Lalli, Pina, and Chiara Gius. “‘I Loved Her so Much, but I Killed Her’ Romantic Love as a Representational Frame for Intimate Partner Femicide in Three Italian Newspapers.” ESSACHESS – Journal for Communication Studies 7. pp. 55. December 1, 2014.

[8] “Femicide in Latin America.” UN Women. April 4, 2013.

[9] Ibid.

[10] Goodhart, Michael. Human Rights: Politics and Practice. Oxford University Press, USA. pp. 30. 2009.

[11] Brysk, Alison. Speaking Rights to Power: Constructing Political Will. 1 edition. Oxford ; New York: Oxford University Press. pp. 82. 2013.

[12] Mikdashi, Maya, and Lila Abu Lughood. “Tradition and the Anti-Politics Machine: DAM Seduced by the ‘Honor Crime.’” Jadaliyya جدلية.2012

[13] Ibid.

[14] Ibid.

[15] Ibid.

[16] “Violence against Women.” UN Report. Chapter 6, pp. 127. 2015.

[17] “Femicide” Understanding and Addressing Violence against Women. World Health Organization, 2012.

[18] Ibid.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bandelli, Daniela, and Porcelli, Giorgio. “‘Femminicidio’ in Italy: A Critique of Feminist Gender Discourse and Constructivist Reading of the Human Entity.” Current Sociology. Vol. 64, no.7. 2016.

Brysk, Alison. Speaking Rights to Power: Constructing Political Will. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press. pp.82. 2013.

Driver, A. “‘We Want to Stay Alive’: Ending Feminicide in Juárez, Mexico.” World Policy Journal 33, no.4:45. 2016.

“Femicide.” Understanding and Addressing Violence against Women. World Health Organization. 2012. 

Goodhart, Michael. Human Rights: Politics and Practice. Oxford University Press, USA. pp.30. 2009

Lalli, Pina, and Chiara Gius. “‘I Loved Her so Much, but I Killed Her’ Romantic Love as a Representational Frame for Intimate Partner Femicide in Three Italian Newspapers.”  ESSACHESS – Journal for Communication Studies 7. pp. 55. December 1, 2014.

Mikdashi, Maya, and Lila Abu Lughood. “Tradition and the Anti-Politics Machine: DAM Seduced by the ‘Honor Crime'” Jadaliyya . 2012.

“Take Five: Fighting Femicide in Latin America.” UN Women. 2017. 

“When the Victim Is a Woman” Geneva Declaration. Global Burden of Armed Violence. Chapter 4, pp.119. 2011.

“Violence against Women.” UN Report. Chapter 6, pp.127. 2015

ARTICLE COMPARISON: Religion and Violence Against Women

I am currently in the process of “basketting” the various arguments that seek to answer research questions like mine. One basket I am currently exploring is the causal association between religion and a state’s culture that permits inter-partner violence. Researchers Barnett and Brandt enter the conversation from a positivist approach yet both subscribe to culturalist ontology, as described by Abbott. [1] Still, Barnett and Brandt differ in the methods used to conduct their studies.

Barnett studied 653 university students aged 18 to 30 in the US (large-n) while Brandt compared two case studies in Flanders, Belgium (small-n). Barnett researched the influence religiosity had on rape-myth acceptance and subsequently on sexual violence. [2] Brandt studied the idea that feminist theory, which has historically been associated with secularism, has constructed the notion that gender equality will always be at odds with religiosity. [3] Brandt poses that the acceptance of this idea has made permissible a patriarchal culture which permits violence against women. [4] While these studies do not examine the same phenomena, both scholars agree that religion has significant influence in a state’s culture that permits male violence toward women.

It is important to note that Brandt’s piece studied religion embedded in a state’s culture whereas Barnett studied individual religious affiliation. Barnett argues that religion is an important component of American culture and therefore claims that religion is inherently a part of US culture. I creatively disagree with this notion when comparing American religiosity to that of European or Latin states. The US has, at least nominally, never claimed one single religion as its own. US level of religiosity cannot be equated with that of states like, say, Ireland, that institute religion into their public education and other societal, cultural practices. [5] Still, both articles enter into conversation with each other on the basis of gender violence at the broader level and never actually discuss femicide in the specific. This allows me to pull general information regarding gender violence and later apply it to my topic in order to explain femicide.

All that considered I am leaning toward an approach similar to Brandt’s in order to explore the culture of traditionally religious states such as Italy or Latin America which is home to record femicide rates. This research has made me more confident in my project so that the clouds surrounding my puzzle are beginning to lift and my question is finally becoming clearer.

NOTES

[1] Abbott, Andrew. Methods of Discovery: Heuristics for the Social Sciences. 1st edition. New York: W. W. Norton & Company. p. 52. 2004.

[2] Barnett, Michael D., Kylie B. Sligar, and Chiachih D. C. Wang. “Religious Affiliation, Religiosity, Gender, and Rape Myth Acceptance: Feminist Theory and Rape Culture.” Journal of Interpersonal Violence 33, no. 8. p. 1221. April 1, 2018.

[3] Brandt, Nella van den. “Feminist Practice and Solidarity in Secular Societies: Case Studies on Feminists Crossing Religious–Secular Divides in Politics and Practice in Antwerp, Belgium.” Social Movement Studies 14, no. 4. p. 495. July 4, 2015.

[4] Ibid. p. 496.

[5] Russell, Cliodhna. “Religion in the Classroom: How Other Countries in the EU Deal with It.” TheJournal.Ie. 2016. http://www.thejournal.ie/religion-classroom-eu-examples-primary-divestment-2887905-Aug2016/.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Abbott, Andrew. Methods of Discovery: Heuristics for the Social Sciences. 1st edition. New York: W. W. Norton & Company. pp. 52-3. 2004.

Barnett, Michael D., Kylie B. Sligar, and Chiachih D. C. Wang. “Religious Affiliation, Religiosity, Gender, and Rape Myth Acceptance: Feminist Theory and Rape Culture.” Journal of Interpersonal Violence 33, no. 8. pp. 1219-1235. April 1, 2018.

Brandt, Nella van den. “Feminist Practice and Solidarity in Secular Societies: Case Studies on Feminists Crossing Religious–Secular Divides in Politics and Practice in Antwerp, Belgium.” Social Movement Studies 14, no. 4. pp.493-508. July 4, 2015.

Russell, Cliodhna. “Religion in the Classroom: How Other Countries in the EU Deal with It.” TheJournal.Ie. 2016. http://www.thejournal.ie/religion-classroom-eu-examples-primary-divestment-2887905-Aug2016/.

PHILOSOPHICAL WAGERS

After reading scholarship that put the methodological debates into practice, I began to understand methodology on a more practice level. In particular, the Wedeen piece posed a stark contrast to the Fox article and therefore highlighted the distinctions between interpretivism and (neo)positivism. As I read through Wedeen’s research, I found her debate to focus on meaning found through the interaction between people and symbols within a society, an idea that adheres to interpretivist methodology. [1] In contrast, Fox’s research clearly employed a neopositivist methodology as seen through his identification of dependent and independent variables, along with hypotheses he proceeded to test. [2]

Generally I understand methodology to be the reasoning behind method selection where methods can be enumerated as anything from ethnographic to small-N comparisons. Abbott’s “Basic Debates” chapter allowed me to grasp the meaning of ontology, particularly with Table 2.1 which plainly outlined social ontology. [3] I understand ontology as our convictions about reality and how we see the world or understand social circumstance. Abbott’s description of ontology has made ontological choices easier to spot as I research for my own project.

And as a researcher, I do not believe it is possible to be an objective observer of the social world. We are all co-producers with our own innate biases stemmed from early enculturation into our own societies: our families, schools, friendships, and so on. These biases can never be fully removed to understand the social world. An example of this can be seen within international law. A researcher may ask why the 28 states in sub-Saharan and northeast Africa, including states in parts of Asia and the Middle East agreed to international law banning the practice of female genital mutilation in the 1990s after decades of rejecting such a law by citing cultural rights. [4] Two researchers may pose the same question and yet will choose distinct methodologies, use different methods, and will arrive at unique conclusions due to their ingrained personal assumptions.

My beliefs about the social world will shape my research project as I will pay close attentions to context, culture, behavior, and interaction, elements that are main parts of interpretivist research. While I do see my research following this methodological approach, I am nonetheless intrigued by small-N research which would allow me to look at a handful of cases to offer comparisons in regards to my topic of gender violence.

I believe knowledgeable claims come from immersing oneself into the research area, and although this does not necessarily mean living in whichever region one chooses to study social phenomena, one must understand the social norms in play and the invisible social structures. This is achieved by speaking with or reading literature based on personal accounts of that certain phenomenon to understand the mindset of whichever state, group, or people one chooses to study.

NOTES

[1] Wedeen, Lisa. “Acting ‘As If’: Symbolic Politics and Social Control in Syria,” Comparative Studies in Society and History. pp. 503-523. July 1998.

[2] Fox, Jonathan. “State Religion and State Repression,” The Routledge Handbook of Religion and Security. pp. 182-192. 2012.

[3] Abbott, Andrew. Methods of Discovery: Heuristics for the Social Sciences. 1st edition. New York: W. W. Norton & Company. p. 52. 2004.

[4] Brysk, Alison. Speaking Rights to Power: Constructing Political Will. 1 edition. Oxford ; New York: Oxford University Press. pp. 80-94 2013.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Abbott, Andrew. Methods of Discovery: Heuristics for the Social Sciences. 1st edition. New York: W. W. Norton & Company. p. 52. 2004.

Brysk, Alison. Speaking Rights to Power: Constructing Political Will. 1 edition. Oxford ; New York: Oxford University Press. pp. 80-94 2013.

Fox, Jonathan. “State Religion and State Repression,” The Routledge Handbook of Religion and Security. pp. 182-192. 2012.

Wedeen, Lisa. “Acting ‘As If’: Symbolic Politics and Social Control in Syria,” Comparative Studies in Society and History. pp. 503-523. July 1998.

MENTOR MEETING

On Tuesday, September 11th I met with my faculty mentor, Dr. Susan Shepler, for roughly thirty minutes. Prior to this meeting I sat down with Professor Boesenecker to discuss my project and he advised me to explore my topic area on a broader scale, rather than focusing on one specific country, even one specific region. With that in mind I met with Dr. Shepler to better understand the conversation surrounding femicide and existing literature that scholars have produced. Dr. Shepler suggested that in this stage of my research, I perform what she dubbed “basketting,” or categorizing various theories surrounding femicide to better understand the existing conversation. Within these “baskets,” scholars may understand femicide by looking at psychology, law, culture, or the Human Rights regime. In particular, Dr. Shepler suggested I browse through Annual Reviews which compile wide-ranging information on a single topic. After reading such literature, she suggested I then create an annotated bibliography, for personal use, to better compile the knowledge I gain and see where my particular puzzle may lay.

Later on in the meeting, we discussed my project in greater detail. I expressed my interest in researching a cultural explanation of inter-partner violence in Italy. Dr. Shepler invited me to read Gender Violence, a Cultural Perspective, an anthropological perspective of gender violence including domestic violence and murder. [1] She also sent me a link to a study examining sexual violence in Sierra Leone. [2] I informed Dr. Shepler of my desire to, perhaps somewhere down the line in the 306 course, conduct an ethnography. We discussed ways in which to make this dream feasible, perhaps by looking into the Italian Diaspora in the US, in particular in the Washington DC area. Should that not be satisfactory in conducting a proper ethnography, Dr. Shepler suggested I use various methods including interviews and archival analysis that could be conducted with more facility. Lastly, Dr. Shepler shared her own experience with the conversation revolving gender-based violence. Sheplar was recently in Buenos Aires and Mexico City and saw hundreds of pink crosses displayed across fences and along the city streets. Simply making the issue of femicide visible, without engaging in discourse or violence, shows how powerful and important this issue truly is on an international level.

A challenge I face at this point is ceasing my tendency to get ahead of myself and dive into a puzzle without first examining the scope of femicide at a broad level. Moving forward, I will do just this: read scholarship Dr. Shepler suggested and dive deep into my topic so I can familiarize myself with it many facets.

NOTES

[1] Merry, Sally Engle. Gender Violence: A Cultural Perspective. John Wiley & Sons, 2009.

[2] Schneider, Luisa Theresia. “Partners as Possession: A Qualitative Exploration of Intimate Partner Sexual Violence in Freetown, Sierra Leone.” Journal of Aggression, Maltreatment & Trauma 0, no. 0 (August 28, 2018): 1–19.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Merry, Sally Engle. Gender Violence: A Cultural Perspective. John Wiley & Sons, 2009.

Schneider, Luisa Theresia. “Partners as Possession: A Qualitative Exploration of Intimate Partner Sexual Violence in Freetown, Sierra Leone.” Journal of Aggression, Maltreatment & Trauma 0, no. 0 (August 28, 2018): 1–19.

RESEARCH INTERESTS

My primary research interest involves the rising rates of femicide worldwide. While femicide can be broken into various sects, such as honor killings, I will be focusing on femicide committed by intimate partners. Prior research confirms that domestic violence correlates with a woman’s likelihood of being murdered by her partner. [1] More specifically however, I am interested in the relationship between domestic violence and the affect a state’s support programs have on decreasing the state’s femicide rate. I plan to research how social programs like governmental resources for victims of violence or non-governmental aid allow women to gain the support they need to put an end to domestic violence. [2]

My research questions ask how survivors of domestic abuse are supported in their respective state:

  • Is there stigmatism against abuse?
  • Are survivors of domestic violence viewed as victims of a crime, or are they assigned blame?
  • What aid programs are available and how do they affect the rate of femicide?
  • Are social programs and aid effective methods in keeping women safe?

A large amount of femicide research has been conducted in sub-Saharan Africa, specifically in Ethiopia, Somalia, and South Africa. One study, “Domestic Violence as a ‘Class Thing’: Perspectives from a South African Township,” measured the effect of South African laws on the state’s femicide rate. [3] In 1999 one woman was killed by an intimate partner every six hours. Ten years after implementing the Domestic Violence Act 116, the South African femicide rate only marginally declined. Today, one woman is killed every eight hours by her partner. [4]

This research study was the first piece of literature that piqued my interest in this subject. The slight decrease from a woman being killed every six to every eight hours after the implementation of the Domestic Violence Act intrigues me and thus I pose myself the following questions:

  • Are laws not strong enough to protect survivors of domestic abuse and to deter further violence?
  • How then can social programs best be used to combat femicide?

A challenge my research poses is the way in which I will address my main research proposition (researching if social programs are effective in stopping domestic abuse and therefore preventing femicide) without broadening my research topic.

NOTES

[1] Mamo, C., Bianco, S., Dalmasso, M., Girotto, M., Mondo, L., and Penasso, M. “Are Emergency Department Admissions in the Past Two Years Predictors of Femicide? Results from a Case–control Study in Italy.” Journal of Family Violence 30(7): pp. 853–858. 2015.

[2] Povoledo, E. “A Call for Aid, Not Laws, to Help Women in Italy.” The New York Times. 2013.

[3] Mazibuko, N. C., & Umejesi, I. “Domestic violence as a ‘class thing’: Perspectives from a  South African Township.” Gender & Behaviour, 13(1), pp. 6584-6593. 2015.

[4] Ibid.