This project was originally written for a class at American University from 2019 to 2020.
Introduction
Throughout history, women have been excluded from participating in large portions of society – particularly from accessing political processes and political institutions. Since the turn of the 20th century, women were increasingly allowed many of the same political freedoms offered to men, with the 19th amendment granting American women suffrage and with women being elected to office. However, while governments across the world are passing legislation to formalize women’s access to political processes like voting and participating as candidates in elections, women still face many socio-economic barriers that inhibit them from fully taking part. Cultural norms and patriarchal expectations of womanhood and femininity impede women from achieving their full potential.
Problems with access are also more prevalent in traditionally conservative countries across South Asia, like Pakistan. A Muslim-majority country, Pakistani women are held to traditionalist ideas of what it means to be a woman and what role they hold in society. In recent years, however, women in Pakistan have begun to mobilize against years of systemic oppression through political protest and activism by women leaders in society. This increase in informal political engagement and participation has not been without criticism – feminism in Pakistan has been criticized by socio-political and religious leaders who hold the belief that women participating in politics is against the values of Pakistan. Movements like the Aurat March (Women’s March) and organisations like the Women’s Action Forum have been working, in recent years, to improve the lives of Pakistani women and demand action for the plight faced by Pakistani women, like for issues of body autonomy and sexual harassment. Further, while increased participation is undoubtedly beneficial, it is important to ask whether or not feminism has benefited the average Pakistani women. This paper aims to explore the question: “Are feminist organisations and movements truly subverting traditional notions of Pakistani womanhood and to what extent are they seen as utilising their platforms to influence political sentiment and political participation in Pakistani women?”
Background History
As a young democracy, Pakistan provided women across the country the right to vote in 1947 and reaffirmed this suffrage for national elections in1956, nine years after receiving independence from colonial rule and following the partition with India in 1947. However, despite this, there was and continues to be consistently low political participation and voter suppression by women, as both voters and candidates in local, regional and national elections. While Pakistan has attempted to promote the participation of women through voter awareness and encouragement campaigns and legislative acts like the Election Act of 2017, this has not significantly affected rates of the female voter participation in the country.
Focus on women’s rights arguably began soon after the country’s independence. While there have been reformers like Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Syed Ahmad Khan who worked to address issues like education and polygamy that affected women, female activism began with women like Fatima Jinnah, a sister of Muhammad Ali Jinnah who worked to eradicate socio-economic impediments to women’s rights movements[1]. The impact of Fatima Jinnah’s work led to lasting reform in Pakistan due to her organisation of public demonstrations and her impact on the passing of reformative legislation in the 1950s to 1960s that still is in place today.
As years went on, the attitude towards women in politics liberalised and this was at a peak under the first female Prime Minister of Pakistan, Benazir Bhutto. Bhutto campaigned heavily on ending women’s discrimination and overturning many of the Islamisation laws passed under her predecessors but due to both bureaucratic barriers and Bhutto’s own doing, these pieces of legislation were either not proposed to Parliament or did not pass. Under Bhutto, however, Pakistan assented to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women Everywhere (CEDAW) – a move that was lauded initially but has led to a number of complaints filed against Pakistan’s inability to engage and work within CEDAW’s framework.
In recent years, Pakistan has passed more women-centered laws, like its anti-rape and anti-honour killing law in 2016 which was praised by leaders across the world. However, while women’s situation in Pakistan is improving in formal politics, it is important to note that Pakistani women face immense discrimination in society, often by their own family members.
While the political enfranchisement of women can lead to social liberalisation, it can also lead to disapproval of the same as it presents a divergence from historical practices. This disapproval can often result in the increased marginalization of women. This is often seen through increased restrictions placed on women by their families. Sometimes, these restrictions may be as significant as controlling when a woman leaves the house. This marginalization often results in decreased opportunity as women are simply unable to access many freedoms afforded to them by democratic governments. This includes voting, which is possible why there is low female political participation.
Similarly, the political suffrage of women and the divergence from tradition can often lead to civil dissonance. Civil dissonance can lead to increased violence against women, which is often seen through harassment and abuse at polling stations with women as targets. An increase in possibility of experiencing violence, ultimately leads to increased security concerns for women and associates fear with the idea of going to vote. As a consequence, women tend not to vote. Furthermore, the idea of increased violence links to the idea of increased marginalization, which as aforementioned, leads to decreased opportunity and low female political participation.
The progress of women’s rights in Pakistan has often been described as a case of “two steps forward, one step back[2]”, most notably by Khawar Mumtaz and Farida Shaheed in their book “Women of Pakistan”. In the last decade, there has been increased participation and discussion about the position of women in both Pakistani society and political processes. Notable women’s rights activists, like Malala Yousufzai and Tehmina Durrani, as well as organisations like Women’s Action Forum and Women Living Under Islamic Law work to promote women’s rights and empower Pakistani women – more so than in any years past. In the last 5 years, there has also been the emergence of increased political marches for rights, particularly the Aurat March or the Women’s March. These changes and movements have changed the conservation around women’s rights and have opened the way for more mainstream discussions on the same, particularly in the media and on the internet.
Theoretical Frameworks
Effectiveness of feminist movements
The influence that feminist movements have had upon women’s rights and political inclusion is a topic that many scholars discuss, with heavy emphasis on the impact of these on imaginations of female political efficacy and involvement. Conversely, it is also important to discuss the impact of the practices and methods used by these groups to promote female political empowerment. An example of this is the educational and training work by Myanmarese feminist groups as laid out by Elizabeth Maber. In her 2016 research into feminist education and political empowerment attempts in Myanmar[3], Maber notes that “Myanmar women activist-educators are rejecting hierarchical relationships and the sterile reproductions of idealised female citizenship … and are promoting a conceptualisation of feminist education” (Maber 416). Despite some problems with the educational programs that she identifies, Maber acknowledges that increased feminist approaches and focused attempts to further political empowerment did lead to a “newly-refined, feminist approach to sharing learning for social change” (Maber 428).
Further, in a Pakistani-centred discussion around feminism and its methods to educate women, there is also an ongoing women’s rights movement that Afiya Shehrbano Zia presents in her article[4]. Zia presents a new brand of feminist movements in Pakistan that are “rooted in Islamic discourse, non-confrontational, privatized and personalized, whose objective is to ’empower’ women within Islam” (Zia 29). This is an important point that my research intends to explore through the rise of feminist religious scholars in Pakistan that attempt to “accommod[ate] of religion-based feminist arguments … by giving feminist legitimacy to such voices” (Zia 29). This is a clear example of the subversion, yet acceptance of traditional expectations set on Pakistani women that feminist groups and leaders implement to advance female political empowerment and participation in the country. Studies like these as well as examples similar to the ones in Zia’s research provide a better understanding of how women are propagating the spread of liberal, and often radical, political ideas and changing the lives of women in the traditionally conservative and politically oppressive structures that exist in Pakistan.
Maintaining Traditionalist views
Pakistan’s history has seen many attempts at securing more rights for women, but these have been thwarted by Pakistani hardliners in both the government and in religious circles. Some scholars like Anatol Lieven propose that this is due to the fact that Pakistan is more focused on maintaining its traditionalist roots in religious and Pakistani culture rather than furthering the rights of marginalised groups, particularly women[5]. This deprivation of rights leads to increasing dissent and movements for women’s rights, similar to the movements that are gaining traction in the country in recent years.
This battle of sorts between traditionalism and progress extends beyond just the realm of women’s rights. In 1965, Manzooruddin Ahmed wrote for the Islamic Studies journal about efforts to “reconcile traditional Islamic political theory with Western political concepts[6]”. In Ahmed’s view, while there are some inherent differences between the foundations of Western political standards and Islamic political beliefs, many of the differences between the two are not a result of solely theory but rather an inability to reconcile these traditional concepts with modern concepts – creating a conflict between traditionalism and modernism in Pakistan since the conception of its constitution.
Additionally, scholars have also discussed the role of Islam in preventing the rise of feminist movements, with much disagreement between circles. Afiya Shehrbano Zia, a noticeable scholar in recent years about women’s rights in Pakistan, wrote in her 2018 book about the relationship between faith and feminism in Pakistan[7]. In this book, Zia discusses the impact of Islam and Islamist ideology on feminism and presents that some values of Islam are at crossroads with some more secular ideas like women’s rights and the liberalisation of the law. While these views are contentious and vary across scholars in the field, Zia’s claims are an interesting look into how many liberal Pakistani feminists view the country at the moment and what kind of beliefs they may hold about the issue.
Methods
I attempted to gather data for this discourse analysis through text selection. Some examples of these are articles by feminist activists or newspaper articles about feminist movements from Pakistani media sources, and tweets or social media posts from Pakistani citizens, particularly women. An example of this is Alia Chugtai’s article in Al Jazeera about the Women’s March in March 2020.
Sources like these provide first-hand experiences and opinions from the parties affected as well as movement organisers. Additionally, the use of news sources and social media can help provide a wider set of opinions and voices on the research question, allowing for more conclusions to be drawn about the issue. By attempting to move away from official or formal documents like legislative documents or election material, it is easier to understand the nuances of the ideas and the experiences of average Pakistani women. However, this is not to discount the value of official sources, which allow for exposure to multiple meanings of the same discourse. As a result of potentially looking at government documents or at articles on criticism on the movement and its significance, there can be more of a discussion on how the feminist organisations and individual activists are using their platforms and how effectively they are doing so.
Trade-offs
I believe that a discourse analysis is the best way to try to explore the question I have posed. However, a significant tradeoff of utilising discourse analysis is due to the power dynamics I discussed previously. Even when studying the voices of women and female activists, there is still a large portion of voices that are left out and by using interpretivist methods, there is a lack of generalisability in presenting the research outcomes.
Cultural Competence
Growing up in South Asia myself, the role of women in Indian society and Pakistani society, despite the cultural differences between the two countries, is often similar. Women’s place in political discussions and in discussions of rights and privileges is often limited to certain sections of society or entirely dominated by male politicians. While my experience as an Indian woman is not the same as that of a Pakistani woman, it, along with my cultural understanding of the Indian subcontinent, provides me with a strong foundation to analyse this question. In addition to English, I am fluent in Hindi and Urdu, and am an intermediate student of Arabic – three languages spoken widely across Pakistan. My language skills allow me to access a wider range of sources and literature on the topic and to further my understanding through first-hand accounts and opinions.
Additionally, it is important to acknowledge my own implicit biases as a researcher who was raised in a country that is heavily arguably anti-Pakistan and holds intense anti-Pakistani sentiment. While I do not hold these views in any capacity, I must acknowledge that I may inherently hold some internal biases towards Pakistan due to my schooling and time spent in India.
Evaluative Standards
In order to maintain trustworthiness in this research paper, I attempted to be as transparent as possible in discussing the sources or analysing the texts that are used throughout the paper. If there was to be similar or the same research conducted and there was a replication of the materials that has been used, the outcome would remain largely the same, if similar methods of analysis were utilised. Through this transparency, I believe that the research I have produced will be as trustworthy as possible.
Similarly, by carrying out sound and transparent research, it is possible to maintain reflexivity. In order to address the key criteria of reflexivity, it is important to address one’s own identity and potential biases as a researcher. As previously mentioned, I grew up and was educated in India, which has an ongoing conflict with Pakistan. While I have no explicit biases that may affect my research that I know of, it is important to be open about the implications of my identity to inform any readers about my background and own implicit biases that may inform my research or affect its outcome in any way.
Mapping Representations
In this paper, the object of study or inquiry is feminism in Pakistan. The specific discourses I intend to look at discuss the object of inquiry as a growing phenomenon in Pakistan and as a response to Islamist and patriarchal expectations and treatment on women in the country. Many sources present feminism in Pakistan as liberal movements that are led by “daring” figures and they present the opposition as more conservative, religious traditionalists in Pakistan. A notable example of this is a 2020 article for The Diplomat by Kaukab Tahir Shairani. Here, she discusses the clash between these two groups of Pakistani society at the 2020 Women’s March where participants of the March were disrupted by clerics of the Lal Masjad in Islamabad. Tahir Shairani goes on to state the “Pakistani women are fighting not just the country’s patriarchal mindset, but also deep-rooted religious extremism.”
The main actors involved in producing these discourses are women in Pakistan, particularly activists and political organisers working with institutions and organisations to improve women’s rights and empower women politically. The actors affected are also women in Pakistan, but more specifically the average Pakistani woman who is often removed from politics and discussions about women’s rights by the hegemon, often men in positions of power.
Power and Societal Hierarchies
For the most part, upper class, religious Pakistani men, often in politics or administration, dominate the discourse on civil rights and liberties and hold the power in most dynamics, due to existing patriarchal structures and some branches of Muslim influence. However, even in the discourse of feminist movements, most of the discourse is controlled by the upper class, more privileged, liberal, Westernised female voices in Pakistan, who are often Western educated and born into richer families in the cities.
There are more conservative voices, mostly in religious education circles, but they tend to be less prevalent in discussions on social media and in media discourse as their ideologies often align with the ideas put forward by other religious leaders. There are also very few sources on the lower/middle class activists in more rural areas of the country, but they exist and often work on implementing changes in their villages or on a regional level. These challenge the dominant discourse as they provide more insight into smaller or more marginalised pockets of the feminist movement in Pakistan.
Analysis
Media
When looking at the discussions around feminism in Pakistan represented in mainstream media sources, it is important to acknowledge the voices that are presenting this discourse. While there are some outliers, a majority of articles written about the movement in Pakistan are written by the exact demographic that is leading these movements: young, urban Pakistani women who often are Western educated or have received formal higher education. However, it is still important to note that these representations of the movement in the media are consistent with how they present themselves. The work done by these groups and individuals is portrayed as “groundbreaking” and extolled for their progressive values and slogans like “mera jism, meri marzi” (Urdu for my body, my choice). Often, these articles include quotations from feminist activists and discuss in detail the history of the struggle for women’s rights in Pakistan. Additionally, these articles often express the criticism of or opposition to these movements in a negative light, with heavily critical language used to describe traditionally conservative and often religious-centric opponents. In an article by Nirtika Pandita, author Naila Inayat is quoted saying “It is not only to challenge these dictates, but also to raise voice against rampant violence against women, be it domestic abuse, rape, sexual harassment, honour killing, forced religious conversions and more.[8]”
Most of the articles written within the last year are full of praise and support and focus on the Women’s March of March 2020 and the “mera jism, meri marzi” movement but once again, there are outliers from these – particularly the work of Rubina Saigol for the Herald. In her article “The past, present and future of Pakistani feminism[9]”, Saigol talks about the past of these movements and notably focuses on the role of a popular feminist organisation, the Women’s Action Forum. Throughout the article, Saigol is receptive of and appears to be in support of feminism as a movement and modern feminism in Pakistan but is critical of past activism and acknowledges shortcomings of the previous leaders of the movements.
However, for the most part, a majority of Pakistani media seems to be in support of and in agreement with the movement in Pakistan and believes that it is benefitting women and challenging what is traditionally expected of women.
Social Media
The discussion on social media displays a more divided view of feminism in Pakistan. There is undoubtedly support for the movement in certain pockets of social media, most prominently by young women on Pakistani Twitter. Tweets, like the one below, are common and display support for and a nuanced opinion on feminism in the country.
Unlike traditional media sources, Tweets show a broader understanding of and a more open criticism of institutions and politics in the country. Similarly, to media sources, it is important to consider that the people engaging in this kind and level of discourse of feminism tend to be similar to the people already at the forefront of the movement – young, upper class Pakistani women who tend to be recipients of liberal, higher education.
However, conversations on social media sites like Twitter tends to present a broader set of views on the issue as well, due to lower barriers to access and the ease of social media. Dissenters to the movement and supporters of the opposition tend to use their platforms to criticize feminism as well, like in the examples below.
Most of these dissenters appear to be younger men or more religious people, with some exceptions. While both sides mostly exist within their own communities on the site, there is often conflict between the two on Twitter about a variety of women’s rights issues.
Another notable feature of Twitter discourse is the harassment by dissenters against feminist activists. In an article by Alia Chughtai for Al Jazeera, popular women’s rights activist Arfana Mallah commented “..the slander on social media against us is insufferable… There are thousands of posts they are putting up constantly against us, and saying we are vulgar and immoral women and it’s acceptable to kill us for the sake of honour.[10]”
Overall
The discourse around feminism in Pakistan seems to be mixed, depending on the sources one is looking at. For the most part, it seems to be supported by younger, college-educated liberal women who live in urban areas of Pakistan, or, at the very least, this demographic appears to be the most vocal about their support for the movement. As previously excepted, there is a severe lack of representation of diverse voices in the movements, leaving them open for more criticism.
At the same time, these voices do not appear to exist in an echo-chamber and are routinely and publicly criticized, and often mocked by conservative, traditional, and religious leaders and members of society. For the most part, it can be seen that the feminist movements in Pakistan are affecting the lives of women in the country and are generating conversations that have not been had previously, but it is also important to note that these movements and their actions are not without criticism and opposition within the country itself. Further, it is noteworthy that these movements do not appear to serve all members of their target group and therefore, raise the question of whether these movements are truly as effective as they may appear.
Conclusion and Trade-offs
Pakistan has come an incredibly long way since the country’s independence in 1947 and despite its struggles with the movements, women in Pakistan have seen a large amount of positive change with regards to their rights and their privileges in the country. Great successes for women like the granting of suffrage, the admission into government and legislative measures to protect them against crimes like rape would not have been possible without feminist movements and activists. As the world evolves and women across the world challenge their roles in society, Pakistani women have done so as well, in the face of large obstacles and social pressures from traditional and religious expectations of women.
As movements like the “mera jism, meri marzi” movement gain traction, there is no doubt that they are coming into the mainstream and being increasingly accepted by society, at least to some extent. Even with their criticisms, these movements are bringing women’s issues to the forefront of an ongoing national discussion about the country and the way it is run. These conversations are essential if change is to be made in the country.
While there is monumental change being made by these groups, it is imperative to broaden the scope and work to improve the lives of marginalised women – lower class women, rural women, religious women, LGBTQ+ women, women without access to education – in order to truly affect change. The answer to the question posed at the beginning of this paper is that feminist organisations and movements are truly subverting traditional notions of Pakistani womanhood, and they are undoubtedly utilising their platforms to influence political sentiment and political participation in Pakistani women. However, moving forward, these organisations must expand their operations to all Pakistani women, and represent their needs and desires on a national level as well.
Works Cited
Ahmed, Manzooruddin, “Sovereignty of God in the Constitution of Pakistan: A Study in the Conflict of Traditionalism and Modernism.” Islamic Studies 4, no. 2 (1965): 201-12. Accessed December 9, 2020. http://www.jstor.org/stable/20832798.
Alam, Zainab. 2020. “Women’s Activism In Pakistan: Limits On Freedom Of Choice, Speech, And Visibility In The Public Sphere – Atlantic Council”. Atlantic Council. https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/blogs/new-atlanticist/womens-activism-in-pakistan-limits-on-freedom-of-choice-speech-and-visibility-in-the-public-sphere/.
Bahadur, Kalim. 1998. Democracy In Pakistan. New Delhi: Har-Anand Publications.
Chughtai, Alia. “Pakistan’s Women’s March: Shaking Patriarchy ‘To Its Core’”. Al Jazeera, 2020, https://www.aljazeera.com/features/2020/3/8/pakistans-womens-march-shaking-patriarchy-to-its-core.
Chughtai, Alia. 2020. “Pakistan’s Women’s March: Shaking Patriarchy ‘To Its Core’”. Aljazeera.Com. https://www.aljazeera.com/features/2020/3/8/pakistans-womens-march-shaking-patriarchy-to-its-core.
Lieven, Anatol. 2012. Pakistan: A Hard Country. London: Penguin Books.
Maber, Elizabeth Jane Tregoning. “Finding Feminism, Finding Voice? Mobilising Community Education to Build Women’s Participation in Myanmar’s Political Transition.” Gender and Education: “If Not Now, When?”: Feminism, Activism and Social Movements in the European South and Beyond 28.3 (2016): 416–430. Web.
Mumtaz, Khawar, and Farida Shaheed. 1987. Women Of Pakistan. London: Zed.
Pandita, Nirtika. 2020. “‘Mera Jism, Meri Marzi’ Say The Women Of Pakistan”. The Asian Age. https://www.asianage.com/newsmakers/160420/mera-jism-meri-marzi-say-the-women-of-pakistan.html.
Saigol, Rubina. 2020. “The Past, Present And Future Of Feminist Activism In Pakistan”. Herald Magazine. https://herald.dawn.com/news/1398878.
Su, Alice. 2019. “The Rising Voices Of Women In Pakistan”. National Geographic. https://www.nationalgeographic.com/culture/2019/02/the-rising-voices-of-women-in-pakistan/.
Tahir Shairani, Kaukab. 2020. “Behind Pakistani Feminists’ Fight For Rights”. The Diplomat. https://thediplomat.com/2020/03/behind-pakistani-feminists-fight-for-rights/.
Tarar, Mehr. 2020. “Aurat March Of Pakistan: The Decoding Of Mera Jism Meri Marzi Or My Body, My Choice”. Gulfnews.Com. https://gulfnews.com/world/asia/pakistan/aurat-march-of-pakistan-the-decoding-of-mera-jism-meri-marzi-or-my-body-my-choice-1.1583397878153.
[1] Bahadur, Kalim. 1998. Democracy In Pakistan. New Delhi: Har-Anand Publications.
[2] Mumtaz, Khawar, and Farida Shaheed. 1987. Women Of Pakistan. London: Zed.
[3] Maber, Elizabeth Jane Tregoning. “Finding Feminism, Finding Voice? Mobilising Community Education to Build Women’s Participation in Myanmar’s Political Transition.” Gender and Education: “If Not Now, When?”: Feminism, Activism and Social Movements in the European South and Beyond 28.3 (2016): 416–430. Web.
[4] Zia, Afiya Shehrbano. “The Reinvention of Feminism in Pakistan.” Feminist Review 91.1 (2009): 29–46. Web.
[5] Lieven, Anatol. 2012. Pakistan: A Hard Country. London: Penguin Books.
[6] Ahmed, Manzooruddin, “Sovereignty of God in the Constitution of Pakistan: A Study in the Conflict of Traditionalism and Modernism.” Islamic Studies 4, no. 2 (1965): 201-12. Accessed December 9, 2020. http://www.jstor.org/stable/20832798.
[7] Zia, Afiya S. 2019. Faith And Feminism In Pakistan: Religious Agency Or Secular Autonomy?. Portland: Sussex Academic Press.
[8] Pandita, Nirtika. 2020. “‘Mera Jism, Meri Marzi’ Say The Women Of Pakistan”. The Asian Age. https://www.asianage.com/newsmakers/160420/mera-jism-meri-marzi-say-the-women-of-pakistan.html.
[9] Saigol, Rubina. 2020. “The Past, Present And Future Of Feminist Activism In Pakistan”. Herald Magazine. https://herald.dawn.com/news/1398878.
[10] Chughtai, Alia. “Pakistan’s Women’s March: Shaking Patriarchy ‘To Its Core’”. Al Jazeera, 2020, https://www.aljazeera.com/features/2020/3/8/pakistans-womens-march-shaking-patriarchy-to-its-core.